This paper presents a descriptive analysis of peak alignment in Afro-Mexican Spanish, a largely unexplored variety spoken in the South-west of Mexico. Sociolinguistic interview data was collected from one 51-year-old, female speaker, with a total of 122 broad focus, declarative Intonational Phrases annotated according to Sp_ToBI protocol. Analysis reveals that whilst peaks align on the tonic syllable across open and closed syllables, there is an interaction with the nasality of the following sound: if present on the segmental string, peaks align on following nasals regardless of intervening syllable boundaries. In the case of closed syllables, i.e., with coda /n/, e.g., descendiente [de.sen̪.ˈdjen̪.te], peaks align tonically (90.5% of instances). For open syllables, i.e., with /n/ as following onset, e.g., mexicano [me.xi.ˈka.no], peaks align post-tonically (100% of instances). Whilst tonic peak alignment is noted across Afro-Hispanic varieties, the role of the nasal is unexplored. Nor is it common in non-Afro Mexican Spanishes, where instead delayed peak alignment occurs. We consider the bearing of this upon the dialect-specific nature of the Segmental Anchoring Hypothesis (SAH), with reference to future experimentation required to test whether a lax SAH or articulatory phonological model can best account for these features.