The present study investigates the intonational marking of irony in two regional accents of German, Moselle Franconian (Trier region) and Low Alemannic (Freiburg region). Results show that, irrespective of mode (ironic vs. sincere), differences across regions occur regarding the use of pitch accent types (overall more H* in the Trier region and more L*+H in the Freiburg region), and in the phonetic implementation of the pitch accents (tonal alignment in Freiburg tends to be later). To mark irony, speakers from both regions use accent position as a cue by placing an additional prominence in the prenuclear region (e.g., DAS sieht ja UMwerfend aus ‘That looks stunning’). In nuclear position (e.g., umwerfend ‘stunning’), the pitch range of the accentual movement is smaller in ironic as compared to sincere utterances (phonologically encoded by H* in ironic vs. L+H* in sincere utterances). This study thus provides initial insights into the interplay between regionally specified intonational patterns and the phonetic encoding of ironic attitude.