This paper sheds new light on the intonation of imperatives in Mexican Spanish. Results from a pro- duction experiment based on scripted speech show that imperative sentences have two different nuclear configurations depending on the position of the imperative verb (VI): (i) (L+)H* L% with VI in sentence- final position, and (ii) L* L% with VI in non-final position. The pitch accent on VI in non-final position is characterized by a late peak (L+>H*). However, if the sentence is uttered with some sort of emphasis, the nuclear configuration in the non-final context can also be rising. While these results partly confirm claims made concerning the nuclear configuration in De-la-Mota et al. (2010), they contradict the findings in Willis (2002), who attested strong pitch accent variation on VI.